A History of Tukur Tukur Zaria 1903-1960 by Amina Lawal A B U Zaria

Amina Muhammad Lawal,
Department of History, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria-Nigeria


ABSTRACT
This project is essentially a study of Tukur-Tukur within the period between 1903 and 1960. it traces the history of Tukur-Tukur to the processes of community formation, development and integration that was going on for centures on the Zaria plains which it was essetial part. The project also examines the impact of the British conquest on the polity, economy and society of Tukur-Tukur. The relationship between Tukur-Tukur and its surrounding towns/villages like Tudun-Wada, Tudun-Jukun, Hanwa and Wusasa were examined in somes details. The project concluded by pointing out that the development of Tukur-Tukur in the nineteeth century was as a result of the British in the nineteenth century was as a result of the British colonial policies. .








TABLE OF CONTENT
Certification ii
Declaration iii
Dedication iv
Acknowledgements v
Abstract vii
Chapter one:
1.0 Historical Background of Tukur-Tukur 1
1.1 Introduction: 1-7
1.2 Establishment of Tukur-Tukur 7-11
1.3 The emergent of the village Head system 10-11
1.4 Land ownership of the Village Head System 11-13
1.5 Demography and Settlement Pattern 13-15
Chapter two:
2.0 Tukur-Tukur under colonial rule 1903-1960 16
2.1 Introduction 16-17
2.2 The native administrative system 17-20
2.3 Colonial agricultural policies and taxation 20-24
2.4 The Construction of roads 24-27
2.5 The expansion of the Settlement 27-32
Chapter three
3.0 The impact of Colonial Polices on Tukur-Tukur 33
3.1 Introduction 33-34
3.2 The Impact of Colonial Policies on the society and the Agriculture 34-38
3.3 The Impact of Colonial Policies on Taxations 38-40
3.4 The impact of Colonial Policies on Commercial activities 40-45
3.5 Manufacturing and Commercial Activities 45-49
Chapter four
4.0 Tukur-Tukur and the surrounding villages 50
4.1 Introduction 50-53
4.2 Wusasa/ Kufena 53-54 4.3 Tudun Wada 54-55
4.4 Hanwa 55-56
4.5Tudun Jukun 57-57
Chapter Five
5.1 Conclusion 58-60
Biblography 61-66
CHAPTER ONE
1.0 Historical Background
1.1 Introduction
This chapter examines the processes that led to the evolution of Tukur-Tukur as a settlement. It looks at the emergence of the village head system and the political structure that accompanied it. The processes for the acquisition of land tenure system and taxation system; the commercial and manufacturing activities that took place in the settlement within our period of study and also the capabilities of the community inhabiting the area within our period of study
Location : Tukur-Tukur is situated on the map between Latitude 11o 05 30’ longitude 7o 42’ 30’ in the North and 11’04 longitude 7o 39’ latitude 11o 05 longitude 7o 42’ in the south.[1] It is located in the centre of northern Nigeria on Plateau of 2,200ft high above sea level. Tukur-Tukur was initially located right within the earlier Zaria complex walling system, situated between the two prominent ancient inselbergs settlements of Kufena and Madarkachi. See figure 1. According to a local Tradition two giants resided on the inselbergs of Kufena and Madarkachi. The giant that resided on the Kufena inselbergs known as Bono used to call his Madarkachi counterpart thus: Madara kachi i.e Madara have you eaten? And the giant on the Madarkachi inselbergs will respond by saying aje nan i.e. keep it there. Upon saying that the food is placed on the Tukur-Tukur rock. The two giants would therefore extend their hands and eat together. If anything this shows that that there was an intricate relationship in the development of Zaria and Tukur-Tukur.

Tukur-Tukur is a Small and old Settlement covering an approximate area of 3 square miles. Two streams and a river and a tiny one form its three boundaries. To the east it is bounded by river Kubanni, Tudun Jukun and Hanwa to the North east, to the south -west by river Kamacha , after Magume Village and present State Polytechnic; to the west, with Zaria city wall and Wusasa settlement.

It is difficult to say with certainty the exact time when these settlements were established. This is because archaeology which is supposed to come to our aid by providing useful clues to their origin could not help matters[2]. This is due to the nature of the discipline in Nigeria which is still at its infancy stage. But from the fragmentary evidence so far these settlements were believed to be in existence in the first millennium A D.[3]

These ancient settlements developed into centers due to important factors. One of these factors has to do with the fact that the settlements were located around inselbergs which because of the natural security they provided encourage the settlement and growth of human population around them. Apart from this the inselbergs were also of religious importance as the abode of Iskoki [spirits], which in the past were the subject of worship.[4] Naturally therefore the inselbergs became attractive to people and consequently lead to urbanization. The fertile nature of the soil of these inselberg settlements encouraged farming activities and the development of some forms of human associations.

Through the process of community integration the various ancient settlements were integrated into one unified political system known as the state of Zazzau. What seems to have precipitated this development was the attack by Sarkin Kano Kanajeji Dan Yaji (1390-1410). Kanajeji was said to have made several campaigns against Zaria.[5] During one of such campaigns the plains of Zaria came under serious attack as far as Turunku during which the ruler of Zazzau was killed. This demoralizes the forces of Zazzau who out of fear ran away and became scattered and as a safety measure, mounted the Kufena hill. The Kanawa threatened to take the hill on their heads. Not seeing through their threat, the Zazzagawa scattered and fled to Turunku[6]. The complex walling system of Turunku seems to be informed by the desired to beef up security at Turunku to guide against a repeat of such occurrence.

Soon the settlement around Turunku became inadequate due to the expansion of human population. Consequently, the source of water in Turunku became inadequate making life difficult. The rulers of Zazzau at Turunku therefore contemplated shifting to a more suitable place. The present site of Birnin Zaria was found to be most suitable. A team under Zaria, one of the daughters of Bakwa Turunku, the twenty-second ruler of Zazzau was assigned with the responsibility of rebuilding Zaria. It is apparent that Zaria was named after her in recognition of her role in building the city[7].

Zaria is said to camp at Anguwar Zaria to oversee the building process. At the end of the construction works, she built a palace for her father that is popularly known as Gidan Bakwa (Bakwa’s House) and a house for herself at Anguwar Magajiya. An extensive wall covering an area of 24 kilometers in diameter was constructed round the city, curbing out the Amina Wall that extended from Kufena and went round Tukur Tukur and joined the Zaria city wall at Kofar Doka. The curbing out of substantial section that was hitherto an integral part of the Birni was informed by security consideration[8]. The Zaria city wall with the Amina wall, that extend from Kufena and Tukur-Tukur was found to be too large for easy control. The exclusion of the Amina Wall from the Zaria City wall made the excised section which Tukur_Tukur was part of to fall under disuse. The occupants of the settlement therefore evacuates into the city. However the area was reoccupied again.
Figure 1: The Zaria Complex walling systems[9]

As mentioned earlier, Tukur-Tukur is located within Zaria. Therefore, such geographical issues like climate, weather and vegetation of the area cannot be discussed outside those of Zaria. To begin with, Zaria experiences an average mean of annual rainfall of 43.0 inches. The season’s pattern is classified as follows:
a- Dry season (winter and harmatan season)-hunturu, from November- February.
b- Hot season(kaka)–from March to April
c- Season of thunderstorm and squalls-from May to June
d- Wet season (damina) - from July to October.

Most of the soil contains 30-40 percent clay. It is a good moisture retention land and very poor in sustaining intensive agriculture for a long period. Its utility is best aided by fertilizer. Fadama is the term used to explain this type of soil. In some case, it persists to supply water even during the dry season while in other areas shaduf method of irrigation has to be used even along the river banks. Most of the fadama particularly those located around the Galma and Kubanni rivers were used for sugarcane and vegetables cultivation.

The vegetation of Zaria falls within the guinea Savanna zone which is characterized by woodland vegetation. Artificial vegetation within the city walls is created. There are farms, gardens and planted date palms, mango trees, silk cotton, and baobabs. This is quite unique to other settlements where farms and gardens are the only soil utility.[10]






1.1 Establishment of Tukur Tukur
Oral evidences tend to point to the fact that Tukur-Tukur has been in existence for centuries. According to Wali[11] the name indicates the presence of Fulani who were said to be the earliest settlers in the place. This seems plausible in view of the number of old Fulani families scattered around the village. This source showed that the settlement began evolving at about the time the Europeans were busy partitioning the African continent. It is stated here that the settlement came about as a result of the abundance of arable land and rocky features which serve as protective defense mechanism for the area. According to another local tradition[12]Tukur-Tukur could be dated as far back as 1000 years ago. This is because it was believed that the area has always been in existence even before the first contact with the Arabs. He laid emphasis on…Danmadani[13] said that Tukur-Tukur has existed for five or six hundred years.

The settlement called Tukur-Tukur has been well established by the beginning of our period of study; and that the origin of its indigenous inhabitants points to the possibility of their being from Fulani and Hausas. Another source[14] which differs entirely from the others says the first people to settle on the area are the Jukun people, who were originally from Jos. The Jukuns were brought as slaves, caught during the holy wars days and brought to Zaria. According to this source Ibrahim the emir of Zazzau had them ordered to go and take care of his farm and animals for him. He built a house in the area which he visits from time-to-time. Since then Tukur-Tukur becomes a very important place this is demonstrated by the fact that subsequent Emirs after Ibrahim used to maintain a rest house in the area. The source further explained that as time goes on people started moving out of the Zaria city wall which surrounded them for protection from enemies’ attack into the vast land of Tukur-Tukur for farming, and the Fulani also came to settle there because of the presence of good pasture in the area, gradually taking it away from those people of slave origin.

Tukur-Tukur is one of the earlier settlements that developed in the 19th century! The area was an integral part of the Zazzau ruling dynasty’s landed property and now within the present Zaria local government area of Kaduna State. Other areas or settlements to have developed around, Tukur-Tukur, by the 19th century were Kufena, Wusasa, Tudun Wada and Hanwa to mention a few. The factor of migration was central in the development of these settlements. This demographic movement must have been influenced by certain natural conditions.

The availability of better water supply and the fertility of soil in an area most encouraged the influx of people to an area. Other scholars so far have pointed out the importance of hills like the inselbergs scattered around Zaria region. A number of such inselbergs are Parakwai hills with 810m height, Kufena hills with 821m, Turunku with 820m and Hange hills which has the lowest height of 746m. These inselbergs are very important in the development of settlements in Zaria. They serve as sources of defence; and in some cases as religious centres in the early days.


1.3 The Emergence of the Village Head System
By about the beginning of our period of study Tukur-Tukur and some few areas around it were under the influence of the Zazzagawa. According to oral information the Zazzagawa were the first to establish a kingship system at a time when the people they met were practicing traditional religion. It is said that one Malam Shehu was the first known person to become in charge of the affairs of the settlement. After some while we are told that the settlement came to be administrated from the main palace in Zaria. This is because it is the emir of Zazzau that appoints a Hakimi (District head) to administer the area on his behalf. It is said that there was Wali, Galadima, Madauci, Fagaci, Madaki and so on as part of the council of chiefs. But oral informants affirmed that after that there was Sarkin Tukur-Tukur who is the chief custodian of the area. Although the period within which these rulers ruled the settlement could not be established but different informants attested that there was one man, a Fulani, whose name became synonymous to the area. This man is named Abdulkarim. Abdulkarim was one of the rulers of Tukur-Tukur who became prominent because of the length of time he ruled and his administrative powers which is believed to have moved the area to greater height.

1.4 Land Ownership and Taxation System
It is well known that the pre colonial northern Nigeria consists mainly of agricultural societies. At least 95 percent of the people were engaged in agriculture. This was no exception in the case of the Tukur-Tukur settlement; and considering the importance of agriculture land forms the major means of livelihood for most of the people of the area.

Land ownership in Tukur-Tukur settlement from the early time could be said to be devoid of private ownership. In some written source and oral information it is gathered that up to the earliest part of the 20th century land, in Tukur-Tukur, collectively belonged to the settlement head and his people. As such the indigenous people have access to the abundant arable land within the area. The procedure however entails an individual seeking land making a request to the settlement head and presenting a little token to the head which is supposed to be deposited in the public treasury, and one would be allowed to farm the land. However in certain cases there are farms that were inherited and were thus identified as belonging to individuals. It has also been shown that land was issued free to anybody who wanted it regardless of the person’s status in the community. All those who wanted land, either for residential or other purpose such as agriculture and commerce, made their requests to the settlement head of Tukur-Tukur, who would then authorize the Galadima to allocate the land; the prerequisite being that one is capable of developing what has been allocated to him. It has also been gathered that in rare cases where the land became scarce individuals can hire from others for a certain period, to pay with food produces after cultivation. However, certain changes took place with the coming of Fredrick Lugard who made rules that since the traditional rulers are under the British, the land automatically belongs to the state. This marked the beginning of a shift from communal to full individual ownership of land as the process of acquisition became more difficult, partial and selective, involving either money or connection only. From then land became a marketable commodities.

1.5. Demography and Settlement Pattern
The Zaria plains which Tukur-Tukur belongs vary in height from 1800 to 2350 feet reflecting a regional slope to the south and local relative relief of 100 to 150 feet.12 Two kinds of hills features characterized the Zaria plain. These are the rock inselbergs and lateritic iron stone mesas. Tukur-Tukur is not however directly connected with the main drainage system. The drainage system is river Galma which is a major tributary of the Kaduna River. The river carries water throughout the year with large number tributaries producing high stream frequencies and drainage density. They are characterized by gully and intense water erosion, good examples of which are Kubani and Saye rivers to mention a few. But an important point to note here is there is a gully upon which Tukur-Tukur’s major tributary was developed that is related to the Tudun Jukun River.
Figure 2 the demographical pattern settlement

Tukur-Tukur, like any other society especially on the northern part of the country is inhabited predominantly by Hausa and Fulani people. The major occupation of the inhabitants was farming, hand craft and cattle rearing (nomadism). Never the less, the major population was engaged in farming. The settlement pattern of Zaria area by the mid 19th century was made up of Garuruwa (towns) surrounded by Kauyuka (settlements) and Unguwanni (hamlets) located in areas of permanent cultivation.

These towns served as the major centers of political and economic activities on which the surrounding settlements and hamlets depended. As a result the agricultural system of Tukur-Tukur does not supply the food consumed in the area. Neighbouring settlements like Tudun Jukun, Wusasa and Tudun Wada have to come in here to fill the void. On the political status of Tukur-Tukur, it is interesting to note here that what we have was a patron – client relationship between Tukur-Tukur and other neighbouring settlements.
Figure 3 Tukur-Tukur before 1960


CHAPTER TWO

2.0 Tukur-Tukur under Colonial Rule 1903-1960

2.1 Introduction
Having defined the location of Tukur-Tukur and tracing its historical evolution and examined the establishment of administrative machinery of the settlement as demonstrated by the headship system, land ownership and taxation system as well as the demographic and settlement pattern of the settlement, it is important to study the socio-economic and political trend of the settlement during colonialism. This is important because it is a known fact that various aspects of the social, economic and political life of people have change due to the coming of the Europeans. Evidences abound which explained adverse changes in other parts of the country especially in the northern part of the country; and since Tukur-Tukur is an integral part of the north, then it is expected that similar changes took place as well in the area.
Figure 4 The area of Tukur -Tukur

2.2 The Native Administrative System

It is evident that prior to the coming of colonial form of rule there existed an orderly hierarchical system of traditional ruler ship. This system which was mainly based on sarauta system existed for a considerable length of time in the northern part of Nigeria. It is also evident that with the coming of colonial rule this system was not abolished; but it had undergone some changes which were mainly as a result of the adjustments that accompanied the colonial rule. Certain powers of the emirs were usurped and placed under resident and district officers. These changes were deliberately introduced to enable the colonialists to effectively exploit the resources of the colonized for their development.

One of the emirates in northern Nigeria that existed with its hierarchical traditional authority was Zaria which Tukur-Tukur settlement was an integral part of - an emirate that enjoyed prominence. So like all other settlements of northern Nigeria and as seen in the preceding chapter Tukur-Tukur settlement existed for some time before the advent of colonialism and had its hierarchical traditional administrative system with Tukur-Tukur as the title given to the sarkin Tukur-Tukur. In the case of Tukur-Tukur there were considerable changes that occurred as a result of the coming of colonial rule.

Although the political structure of Tukur-Tukur settlement was not so elaborate, however there were some elements of administrative hierarchy existing within the political structure. Beside the Sarkin Tukur-Tukur there were those considered to be his lieutenants or assistants in the running of the affairs of the settlement. One source shows that there was Wazirin gari, (vizier) who was second in command; then the other council members mentioned in the first chapter. There was also several others who were suppose to be ‘masu anguwanni’, (ward heads) in charge of tax collection and exercising other delegated authority on behalf of the emir of Tukur-Tukur. There was also limimin Gari (chief imam), who was the religious head. This man represented the Sarkin Tukur-Tukur in the collection of taxes in a district called Anguwar Maguzawa, while dan Auta does the same in a district called Garden. Lastly there was the Magajin Gari whose main function was looking after the settlement in the absence of the Sarki and Waziri, beside which he also oversee the activities going on in the farmlands. These constituted the hierarchy which formed the political structure of Tukur-Tukur within the period in question.

Another source stressed[15] that it was as a result of the growing population of Tukur-Tukur arising from other migrants that the need to appoint a leader emerged. As such Hamza, who was the religious leader, became the Tukur-Tukur of the settlement: a title which subsequently came to be the name of the settlement. The constants request for much tribute from Zaria, the emirate under whose control Tukur-Tukur was, led to Hamza’s departure for Katsina. Tukur-Tukur isa Kwami succeeded him, then Tukur-Tukur Dan Yaya, others that followed were Tukur-Tukur Bako, Tukur-Tukur Pate, Tukur-Tukur Kuturun Gero and Tukur-Tukur Malam Muhammadu. Others were Tukur-Tukur Balau, Tukur-Tukur Sidi Ali, Tukur-Tukur Dan Tata Muhammadu, Tukur-Tukur Bala Den Tukur-Tukur and lastly Tukur-Tukur Salisu.1

2.3 Colonial Agricultural Policies and Taxation

2.3.1 Agricultural Policies
Agriculture in Northern Nigeria occupied the major source of livelihood significant percentage of the population of the north is predominantly agriculturalists. This is also the case with the Tukur-Tukur settlement. It has been shown that since as far back as the 16th century the people that, inhabited this settlement were predominantly Agriculturists. Agriculture constitutes the major source of living. This however does not mean that this people did not engaged in other forms of activities such as trading and commerce, because as seen in the chapter before this the people were engaged in certain manufacturing and commercial activities, but what should be understood is that almost 90 percent of the population in Tukur-Tukur were practicing agriculture and it has been attested that even in this case of those in the commercial and manufacturing sector agriculture is practiced alongside their commercial and trading activities.

However it should be noted that the coming of this colonial system of rule changed what used to be obtainable in terms of practice and policies. First the land tenure was touched by the colonial masters. It is known that the entire land used to be under the care of traditional authority. Frederick Lugard[16] justified that since this traditional power fell under the British control, land ownership and allocation automatically became a decision of the British. This development marked the beginning of a shift from communal to individual ownership of land, as the process of acquisition became more difficult, partial and selective. From then on land in Tukur-Tukur became a marketable commodity.

Agriculture was also one aspect that experienced tremendous clauses. Although the nature of crops produced before the coming of the colonial system, while included millet, guinea corn, maize, ground nut, cotton etc did not change, efforts have been made by the colonialists of intensifying agricultural practices through the introduction of certain techniques of programmes of loaning of the famous Garman Shanu and Shanun Tatse, amounting to £5 which an individual is expected to pay back in installment of Sulei goma Sha buyar (N1.50K equivalent) each year. The introduction of Garman Shanu and Shanun Tatse in farming revolutionarised agricultural production by raising the amount of food produced. It is however important to note that payment of the loan was not easy. This was because farmers find it difficult to raise the installment from what they produced after sale.1 this was in view of the heavy tax that must be paid and the fact that a full bag of ground nut for instance cost only 90k at Wusasa market.

In addition to this the colonial system contributed to the existing system of Noman Rani (irrigation farming) which was one of the activity the people Tukur-Tukur engaged in during the dry season.

2.3.2 Taxation System
Taxation is crucial and central to the development of settlements, districts and emirates during pre-colonial and colonial Nigeria. It is what formed the major source of revenue generation to most traditional institutions that existed during pre-colonial and colonial periods. In the North this is especially prominent because it is what was used by the various districts, settlements and villages to pay tribute to their superior chiefs. The taxation system in Tukur-Tukur during the pre-colonial period was not very different from what was obtained in other Northern settlements. As such certain title holders were charged with the responsibility of tax collection. This system was so organized and the officials put in charge were so feared that people do not have to be told before they come to pay their taxes. This was partly because the poor people had so much respect for their traditional authorities whom they regarded as rulers ordained by God and therefore must be followed. Although taxation at that time was a monster to all the followers but certain cases of tax avoidance have been noticed. One of the present emirs[17] of Tukur-Tukur attested to this, saying some particular individuals who are still alive but whose names he will not disclose have had to run away into hiding for almost three months in order to avoid paying tax.

However there came to be certain changes in the methods of taxation after the consolidation of colonial rule. With the fall of this entire north to the British, certain obnoxious policies came to be put in place. The traditional rulers came to be under direct influence of the European officers, and this gave them more powers for the control of the whole societal activities. This development led to further subjection and intimidations of the poor. People were pressured to pay taxes at all cost, failure of which can attracts severe inhuman treatment, confiscation of property or even imprisonment.1 It is further showed that in the early 1940’s to 1950’s the system entails forceful payment which some times necessitates parents to send their children to labour work in order to be able to pay. It is note worthy that the eligibility of an individual in tax payment is if he is a male and from 18 years of age and above.

2.4 The Construction of roads

An all-season road to the development area is desirable, while subsidiary motor-roads to individual villages in the area may prove to be necessary. It’s very important aspect of development and in this regards the colonial Government have done well in the constructions and development of roads for the benefit of the public. In September 1948 for instance with regard to the construction roads through the area occupied by the Gaskiya Corporation and linked up with Tukur-Tukur village, Ag Resident, Zaria Province sent a letter to Dr R M East, Gaskiya Cooperation Zaria informing him that were financial constraints that would warrant him to seek for money elsewhere in order to maintain the roads in the area[18]

In 1948, the Chairman Gaskiya Cooperation explained the roads in question thus :
A- The main road through Tudun Wada Market
B- The road leading past Gaskiya Corporation main Building and Secondary School, rejoining the Kaduna road at the Tukur –Tukur Gate
C- The cicular road through the Gaskiya and Secondary School Senior houses.

He said the difficulty was that B was shorter than A, and there were signs that traffic from Zaria to Kaduna was tending to use it as a short cut, while it was not made for heavy traffic, and became badly cut up during this year’s rainy season. This in turn had the effect of diverting the traffic between Zaria and the Secondary School, out of Gaskiya Corporation funds. He therefore gives the following suggestion:
1- at the Tudun Wada end of Route B:
i- GAskiya Corpration and Secondary School
ii- Kaduna.
2- at the Tukur Tukur end Route B:
i- Secondary School and Gaskiya Corporation.
ii- Zaria.
3- at the Eastern end of Route C:
I Gaskiya Corporation Staff Quarters.
ii- Secondary School
4- at the junction of Route C with the road to Gaskiya Village:
i- Gaskiya Village
ii-Gaskiya Staff Quarters.[19]
Figure 5 The roads in question

These roads were erected between 1949/and 1950 which served the Gaskiya Corporation, Government College and Tukur-Tukur villages to end up with Kaduna way at Tukur Tukur Gate leading to Kaduna and Wusasa. In the year 1957, the Regional Government accepted responsibility of reconstruction of roads serving the area of Gaskiya- Government College-Norla adult Education. The Minister confirmed the estimated capital expenditure of 10,000 pound sterling which would be charged against the five year plan for construction of station and township roads and would be included in the program for 1957/58. The annual maintenance cost of approximately 1,400 pound sterling will be charged against public works Department Recurrent Maintenance works.[20]

2.5 The expansion of the Settlement

The expansion of the settlement can not be done without proper planning and Good lay-out. If a new village is to be built, a proper layout should be planned. The help of the Town Planning Officer Should be sought in the case of sufficiently large settlements. Where the intention is to re-plan an existing layout the new layout should be superimposed thereon as buildings were rebuilt or demolished. Attention should be paid to site for new markets or the extension of existing ones, public wells, cemetery open spaces for recreation and borrow-pits. The important consideration of what schemes of drainage are necessary in connection with the re-planning of town and villages should not be overlooked. A rigid layout of farmlands need not necessarily be adopted. It may be found for instance that suitable mixed –farmer settlers are more likely to be attracted to a new site if insistence is not made upon a strictly regimented lay-out of farms. Town planning staffs is unlikely to be available in sufficient numbers to assist. Planning the layout provision should be made for a recreation ground which should be in the village or as near to it as possible. It should not be merely an open space but should be laid out to include football grounds; children’s playground, etc and part of it should be planted with trees where the old people can sit. A village center will also be required which, in due course, may include a reading –room, library and village hall firm-strips or epidiascopes would be of much use in many places.[21]

Agriculture is one of the most important aspects of the expansion and settlement as indicated in the circular from the Secretary, Northern provinces to the Resident, Zaria Province of the 18th June 1945. The draft note on the preparation of Rural Development schemes, state, that provision should be made for demonstration farms or plots of the type most suitable for mixed farming, rice farming, irrigation farms, fruit orchards, vegetable gardens- and for distribution of the best types of seed and improved livestock from the Government stock Farms. Provision should also be made for adequate grazing grounds. It is important therefore to obtain the advice of a suitable qualified Officer on the means whereby risk of erosion can be minimized in the process of laying out new farms, as original mistakes are difficult to repair.

Another factor of expansion and settlement is provision of education facilities. Elementary School, are required and the question of further education at middle schools within or without the area should be considered. Plans should be made also for adult education. The school teacher can be of the greatest assistance in every aspect of rural development. In this regard, Tukur- Tukur was among the villages that benefited from these schemes. The Government provides Primary School, Adult Education[22]. Government College was transferred from Katsina to the present Tukur- Tukur and Norla (Northern Regional Literature Bureau) established in order to give access to adult Education to all.

Medical & Health/ veterinary clinic is another factor for expansion and settlement. Consequently, the colonial government included a provision for a village Health Center. The layout of this allowed for a space for a dispensary, maternity and child welfare clinic, health office, hospital, and quarters for the staff. The layout provided ample room for all the health activities of the future. As a result of all these a dispensary was erected in Tukut -Tukur .

It must be noted here that Forest areas for fuel, the supply of timber for building purposes and the prevention of local erosion are very important for purposes of expansion and settlement in Tukur Tukur there is Forest area called Mairabo .

Water is the major factor for settlement; water reservoir was constructed on top the Tukur Tukur rock which supplied water to Tukur Tukur and its environs like Barewa College, Gaskiya, Gaskiya Village, Wusasa, and Tukur- Tukur Gate.

Another aspect of settlement and expansion is given attention to the improvement of existing local crafts and the introduction of new ones and the means of financing them. In the area we still have the local craftsmen like black Smith (Makera) et.c
[23]
Figure 6 the lay-out and expansions settlements around Tukur-Tukur


CHAPTER THREE
3.0 The Impact of Colonial Policies on Tukur-Tukur
3.1. Introduction

This chapter examines colonial policies in our area of study highlighting the impact of such policies to the society. It is pointed out that colonial policies had adversely impacted on the population of Tukur-Tukur politically, economically and socially. However this is not denying the fact that the colonial policies made some positive impact at all.

Where the colonial policies had serious negative consequences on the society was in the area of taxation. This issue of taxation led to so many ills that displaced families and homes. People were subjected to very serious inhuman treatment because they were made to pay this tax even at the expense of feeding their families, clothing them or even providing them with other basic necessities. Another area in which the colonial policies impacted on Tukur-Tukur people was the adjustment on land tenure.

Agricultural practices were improved and there techniques advanced in order to generate more yields and facilitate the enabling atmosphere to meet the demand of the colonialist. This situation of land tenure adjustment led to a drift because some people not to decide on what to do to supplement them farming activity (it was due to the taxation that people standard working as labourers to some of these institutions in order to have extra money to meet the demand of their colonial tax and avoid those inhuman penalties that follow those that could not pay).

Administratively the colonial policies impacted negatively on the Tukur-Tukur settlement. The placement of the powers of the traditional authority under the powers of colonial offices led to adjustments in the administrative policies. There came to evolve more hierarchical traditional administrative governance which entails placing more hardship on this people which led to distortions and general social panic.

3.2. The Impact of Colonial Policies on the society and the Agriculture

The period between 1903 and 1944 has been described by Adesina[24] as a period of laissez faire oriented development policy during which government made provision for intensified research and experimentation on the main problems of agriculture and for the application of results.5 In spite of the fact that there were many decisions of the colonial state in regard to land tenure, fiscal and other matters impinging on agriculture, there was hardly any coherent and identifiable set of agricultural policies. Thus, the early agricultural policies were ad-hoc and basically exploitative and Eurocentric[25].rightly observed that Nigeria’s three major agricultural exports were only accorded any great importance and credit for selfish interests.

That the British colonial government took active interest in the development of agriculture should not be mistaken to mean that it had the aim of raising the living standard of Nigerians or expose Nigerian agricultural practices to the world market. The reality was that it (colonial government) created structures, policies and processes that served primarily its own economic and political interests[26]. The major concern of the British was to establish an export enclave in the colony whose resources could be processed and shipped to the home country. Even though, it tried to consolidate the land management in Nigeria, it however refused and failed to promote extensive agriculture. Rather, it settled for what the peasants could produce[27]

The Colonial Policies on Agriculture were introduced to achieve certain imperial objectives. The most important of which was the development of export cash crop production. However, the achievement of the colonial Agricultural policy objectives had repercussions on other aspects of the economy and society of Tukur-Tukur Village, especially as it relates to land ownership and its usage, the social organisation of production ( gandu) rural well –being, food availability and the local industries of Tukur-Tukur .

The immediate impact of the colonial policies on Agriculture was felt on land use un the village. This was because the expansion achieved in the production of cash crops in village was mostly achieve through increasing the acreage under cultivation. When we look at the immediate result of the colonial Agricultural Policies that is expansion in cash crop production, we found that as peasants increased their cultivation of cash crops particularly vegetable and cotton the price of the crop did not rise commensurate to the increase in production. In the few cases that price rose, the benefit did not go to the producers because of the crushing colonial taxes that always consumed most of the peasants cash earnings.

Therefore, the British Colonial Policies on Agriculture directly or indirectly led to the improvement of the peasantry. This was made possible through expansion in cotton production, despite the uncertainty about the price the crop would fetch in any season. The proceeds from the production of this crop was siphoned by colonial state through taxation. the peasant more and more became under the grip of the money lenders in the village. According to Danmadami[28] whole families moved to other neighbouring areas and emirates especially the plateau. The major reason given was either to avoid paying taxes or escape colonial forced labour mobilisation. As such colonial report of 1910 state that:

“ … the one thing he [ the emir) dreads ( was) the depopulation of his town, and new proposals for taxation; new ideas for sanitation or any similar projects likely to disturb the natural lethargy of the native character ( were) contemplated with a petition.[29]”

In addition in 1912, the Colonial Reports also expressed colonial anxiety over the emigration of people ousted Zaria Province to avoid forced labour recruitment> hence the Resident resorted that:

“ in 1912, it was feared that demands for labour for public works was causing a number of families to emigrate to Kano[30]”

The attitude of the British administration over the plight of the peasant tax payers further made some families to migrate. We found that even in seasons when the crop yields were bad , colonial authorities went ahead to collect their taxes as if nothing had happened. For instance in 1930, the colonial sources confirmed that despites the locust visitation of that year , the revision of the 1930/31 tax was unduly delayed, which made many peasants to miss the tax relief designed by the colonial state to reduce the impact of the locust menace[31]




3.3 The Impact of Colonial Policies on Taxation

One of the major problems these people found themselves has to do with taxation; Damadami assures that it was about the only report that caused sleepless nights to them. It has been known that the issue of taxation placed most people under the panic and contemplating migration[32]. This is because according to some people the colonial taxation was only paid by men of eighteen years and above but it was oppressive because the penalty that befalls those that fail to pay included being beaten by the authorities, putting pepper one peoples, eyes and migration. The payment of this taxation was mainly by cash, they were compelled to pay this taxation even on installment because according to some of the people there people pay to the authorities and there when it is recorded thing so back to look for the remaining before to come and settle of a later date.

Therefore the can be seen their settlement of Tukur-Tukur has a history of established political social and economic status prior to the coming of colonial ruler. this study started by trying to establish the origin of the settlement up to the period in which the settlement could be said to have developed into an established settlement with a certain degree of development. It can be seen that from the beginning of our period of study the settlement encompasses certain words that later out grow the Tukur-Tukur settlement in terms of development; places like Tukur-Tukur and Wusasa, while were from the earliest time words to Tukur-Tukur and which answer the middle of our period of study came to be more established, developed and urbanized then the Tukur-Tukur settlement. In addition to them it is seen that the settlement, just like many other settlement came to experience changes due to the coming of the colonial rule.

The initial land tenure left every body face to develop any land by building houses or commercial center for the betterment of the general of people. (if they had the means).

3.4. The impact of Colonial Policies on Commercial activities

Like all pre-industrial societies, the economy of Tukur-Tukur is largely agricultural based. This sector employs not less than 95 of the total work force. The major crops grown in the area includes maize, guinea corn, millet, sugar cane, tomato, yam, okro. Rice is also grown in the area, but in smaller quantity comparatively. Besides agricultural practices there are other supportive occupations such as black-smiting, craftsmen, leather skin hiders and weaving. Domestic animals like goats, sheep, fowls are also reared.

Commercial activities rare centered on the periodic markets of nine and five days interval, where both internally produced goods and goods from outside the area are sold. The market day is the busiest day among the people in the area. People from other parts of the study area and outside the study area usually come to the market to display their goods for people to buy. The people buy all their needs that will them going until another market day. The commercial activities in Tukur-Tukur go hand in hand with the manufacture of certain goods required for some settlements and towns near and far. These business commercial and manufacturing activities took place mainly in the dry season. This is because Tukur-Tukur, with almost 95 percent of its people engaged in agriculture, little time is left for people to engage in other form of commercial or manufacturing activity during rainy season.

According to Wali during the later part of the 19th century to the early period of the 20th century the people of Tukur-Tukur had flair for commerce. There was a big market and demand for those produces from the area. People from neigbouring villages and communities exchange goods and services with the then established settlement of Tukur-Tuku[33]r. It is also shown that people from other settlements surrounding Tukur-Tukur came to the market for business and commercial purposes. The items such as food crops, Iron implement, and clothes were all brought to this market for sell or exchange for other wanted food crops, mat, locally made cloth etc.

As shown above this commercial activity goes with manufacturing. The people of Tukur-Tukur engaged in some forms of manufactures. There were blacksmiths who designed and manufacture different kind of crude implements used for farming; hoes, cutlasses, machetes, etc. It is also confirmed that certain home used implements like knives, metal food container and buckets were manufacture by them. There were also people that became prominent in Tukur-Tukur because of the uniqueness of their dying. These people also attracted the attention of people from as far as Zaria city and other settlements who bring their cloths for dying to the people of Tukur-Tukur. At home, women engaged in making Hura (a sort of millet pudding) groundnut oil, Kuli, made from the squeezed groundnut. The women were also engaged in weaving and knitting, just as the man also engaged in carving. The manufacturing activity could be said to have been the cause of the growth and prosperity of the Tukur-Tukur market which at one time became well known and established.

Since the inhabitants were predominantly farmers, they organized themselves into various age groups as farming partners which later became farmers clubs. And with the early use of the settlement must have developed farming tools at quite an early period which with sufficient rainfall enable them to till the land more effectively. Varying implement are manufactured and used by the farmers. These included Garman- hannu, used for throwing up mounds or making ridges, a small hoe for weeding and doing some lighter works on the farm. Other tools used include cutlass, sickles, knives and axes.

It can be seen that certain factors or forces that have influenced the history of the evolution of Tukur-Tukur from about 1903 to the end of our study period. The discussion shows that Tukur-Tukur’s development was based on the fertile nature of the land which attracted many immigrants especially from the northern Hausa states. We could also see how the topography of the area had its remarkable impact on Tukur-Tukur. An archaeological reconnaissance survey shows that the area is surrounded by walls. The remains of the wall in a form of mound, like that of Zaria city, can be seen in the site. Though, the site is divided into two: the first called settlement was attached to the present settlement on the eastern side. This section was abandoned for a better and more favorable area. The settlement was said to be a sort of a hitching place during war. That when ever the people were over powered by their enemies, they rushed into another area which was thickly forested.

With the development of farming, however, the settlement began to experience drastic changes. Some of these changes most have taken shape right from the Jihad conquest of Zaria in 1808.

By the time Zaria became an emirate under the Sokoto caliphate, there was relative peace and progress through out the region. More so, such development to a large extend influenced the people of Zaria, politically, religiously and so on. Another important development or event is the colonial conquest of Zaria in the early 20th century.

This gave birth to colonial administration which gained its root immediately after the conquest. Here one may argue that Zaria was not conquered but protected militarily by the British army from her enemy the Emir of Kontagora . But that the most important point here is the invitation of the West African Frontier Force (W.A.F.F) by the Emir Kwassau of Zaria is outward forming which the objective reality of conquest and subjugation manifested itself.17 He further argued that the irrelevance of the argument can also be demonstrated by the fact that when Emir Kwassau became openly hostile to British occupation, he was forcefully deposed and a puppet – Aliyu Dan Sidi was installed as Emir of Zaria. From then on, the history of this part of Nigeria and Tukur-Tukur as well became an integral part of the history of the world capitalist system[34].

Manufacturing and Commerce
During the colonial period in Nigeria proceeded without the benefit of orchestrated commercial activities/trade and industrial policies. What passed for trade and industrial policy amounts to no more than a patch-work of ad hoc measures which may be categorised as follows:
1. Incentives — the enactment of legislation offering tax and import duty relief to industrialists e.g. Aid to Pioneer Industries Ordinance (1952); Industrial Development: Import Duty Relief Act (1957); Industrial Development: Income relief Act (1958).
2. Infrastructural Support — the provision of water, power and other facilities such as industrial estates, albeit on a severely limited scale.
3. Industrial Promotion — the dissemination of basic information about the Nigerian economy among prospective industrialists, especially foreign investors.
4. Credit Facilities — the establishment of the Federal Loans Board and regional development corporations, provision of government guarantees for external loans.
5. Safety of Foreign Investment — guarantee against expropriation and nationalization, promise of easy repatriation of capital, profits and dividends.
6. Protection from Foreign Competition — high tariff walls, import licensing, and quantitative restrictions.
Public policy and private initiatives promoted investments mostly in extractive commerce and industries and distributive trade rather than manufacturing (Soleye, 1987). The manufacturing industries that were established by alien trading firms during and immediately after World war II concentrated on light industrial goods such as detergents, confectionery, soft drinks, and textiles, as a way of making the transition from purely commercial activities into the beginnings of import-substituting manufacturing[35]. This initial penchant for the production of light consumer goods set the stage for two drawbacks that have persisted in the nation’s industrialization effort to date: neglect of technological development and reliance on imported production inputs.
The British colonial administration adopted a cavalier attitude towards development policy formulation in general and entrenched that attitude in the post-war Ten-Year Plan of Development for Nigeria (1946–1956) (Legislative Council, 1945). The Ten-Year Plan has been roundly criticized for not espousing any national economic development objectives, let alone a properly articulated set of policies[36] It also neither articulated nor pursued a coherent industrial policy.
The promotion of trade and industries was broadly entrusted to two agencies, the Nigeria Local Development Board and the Department of Commerce and Industry. The former, among its other functions, was expected to ensure
(i) the promotion and development of village crafts and industries and the industrial development of the products of Nigeria;
(ii) the setting up and operation of experimental undertakings for the testing of industrial, or for processing the development of any Nigerian, products;
(iii) Suitability of other projects approved by the Governor-in-Council. The latter was to oversee and encourage the conduct of local trade and the development of “native industries.”
This state of affairs was not due to any preference on the part of the imperial power for a laissez-faire approach in economic matters. Rather it stemmed from the reality that Britain’s national interest lay not in the economic or industrial development of Nigeria but in the development of basic infrastructure (rail and road networks) to facilitate the evacuation of primary products and the distribution in Nigeria of manufactured goods imported from the metropolitan economy [37]. Attention was lopsidedly directed towards the development of agricultural produce to serve as a raw-material base for British industry. Local industrial development received short shrift, being supported by a patchwork of only a few ad-hoc incentives such as tax and import duty relief’s.
During the colonial period, the key actors were the colonial administrators, and it is interesting that most of the deliberate incentives and measures to promote industrialization occurred during the 1950s when Nigerians were already largely in charge of the regional administrations, and the pressure for independence was becoming irresistible. In spite of these later efforts, one of the colonial legacies bequeathed to the new nationalist leaders at independence was a low level of industrial development and industrial infrastructure[38].
In this regards not enjoy much from colonial on trade and industistrial development though only Gaskiya Corporation was established near Tukur Tukur,






CHAPTER FOUR
4.0 Tukur-Tukur and the Surrounding Settlements
4.1 Introduction
The history of Tukur-Tukur can not be complete without touching the neighbouring settlements around it. This is especially important because bearing in mind the fact that no settlement, settlement, town or even a nation is an Islam; therefore there are issues that need to be looked into. The issue of functional interdependence in control to this discussion, because it is a known fact that at the same time as one gives he also takes. This chapter aimed of looking at the nature of relationship that issued between Tukur-Tukur and the settlements around it. Particular interest and reference shall be given to Tudun Wada, Wusasa, Tudun Jukun and Hanwa. These settlements were at one time under this influence of Tukur-Tukur, and therefore there must have been a strong relationship between them.

This is one of the settlements under Tukur-Tukur; and unlike Tukur-Tukur which become independent as a result of the establishment of these institutions, up to the end of our period of study kurmin Tukur-Tukur remained an integral part of Tukur-Tukur. As a province of Tukur-Tukur it is still a settlement that enjoyed certain privileges from Tukur-Tukur. Although there is abundant land within Kurmin Tukur-Tukur but it is gathered that because of the strategic location of Tukur-Tukur, i.e nearness to the main road, the presence of an already established market, the availability of an already cultured land and relatively more populous; Kurmin Tukur-Tukur still remained a subordinate province of Tukur-Tukur. As such the two settlements relates more on a mother/child basis. The settlement of kurmin Tukur-Tukur still enjoys a level of privilege from Tukur-Tukur because a large percentage of its people come to Tukur-Tukur to sell their yearly harvests and buy certain goods which could not be found in their own settlement. Beside this there is also the administrative control which still Tukur-Tukur enjoys over Tukur-Tukur. This control though not on the basis of paying tribute, has so much to do with the later settlement, as a subordinate, receiving orders from the sarkin Tukur-Tukur.

By the beginning of our period of study Tukur-Tukur was under Tukur-Tukur, administratively. Tukur-Tukur was one of a number of wards under the forestation of its Tukur-Tukur settlement. At this time Tukur-Tukur was a very small settlement with a society composed of butchers and farmer into were practicing of subsistence agriculture on a small scale. Therefore the Galadima of Tukur-Tukur acted as the representative Sarkin Tukur-Tukur as Wakilin Tukur-Tukur. The local political head to Tukur-Tukur during our period of study was the Sarkin Pawa (head of butchers). This Sarkin Pawa became the man in charge of the administration of Tukur-Tukur on behalf of Wakilin Tukur-Tukur who intern was delegated by the Sarkin Tukur-Tukur.

Beside the administrative part there were other relationship that existed between Tukur-Tukur and Tukur-Tukur. One of such relationship was commercial. Tukur-Tukur being the headquarter, was a more times the people of Tukur-Tukur go to Tukur-Tukur to buy or Malam Lawal Sani former ABU staff (Wusasa 92 years) Malam Uba Shehu Tudun Jukun former ABU staff 87 years sell goods. However, this was later hijacked by Tukur-Tukur from this late 1950 to 1960s. This is not unconnected with the established of the Ahmed Bello University. Oral informants agreed that Tukur-Tukur came to establish a stronger market because of the competent influx of people and the composition of the security living there. (more control of the Tukur-Tukur people or Tukur-Tukur was as a result of the fact that plot which was the prior means or productions had t be secured from the Sarkin Tukur-Tukur. This further put more control on them since the people had to rely on Tukur-Tukur for land. The most important point of interest in the rapid growth of Tukur-Tukur which became a cosmopolitan community; out numbering Tukur-Tukur in terms of population; having more organized and patronized market; having more indigenous education people and more infrastructural facilities then Tukur-Tukur.

4.2 Wusasa/Kufena
One of the age long relationships that existed between Wusasa and Tukur-Tukur and Kufena ,was that of commercial interaction. Although this ward was also an extension of the jurisdiction of the Tukur-Tukur settlement Wali [39]stressed that especially during the colonial period people from Tukur-Tukur settlement took their yearly harvest of groundnut to Wusasa for sale in order to generate money for the payment of the oppressive colonial taxation and the repayment of the loan of Garman Shanu which most farmers were compelled to take in order to boost production and meet the colonial demand.

Wali[40] confirmed that Wusasa, at a point, has market for some of the farm produces from Tukur-Tukur. But despite this still the ward, Wusasa was also under the influence of Tukur-Tukur. The Tukur-Tukur of Tukur-Tukur settlement (Sarkin Tukur-Tukur) was in control of the Wusasa settlement unto the year, 1962, in which the Ahmedu Bello University was established. This establishment gave impetus to the growth of Wusasa which developed as a heterogeneous settlement because of the settlement of people from various ethnic and religious backgrounds. It can be seen that unlike to develop a more complex socio-economic set up resulting from this establishment.

4.4 Tudun Wada
Close to 19th century and early 20th Century, Tudun Wad[41]a was established. The settlement, Tudun Wada, was a recent development which came about as a result of the spread of Tukur-Tukur across the rail line. This settlement caters mainly for these people that came from other parts of the country and are serving the university or the other instituting around Tukur-Tukur. In addition, many retirees find solace in buying up land and developing it at Tudun Wada. A field survey indication that significant percentage of the population residing, In Tudun Wada are not Hausas. In other words Tudun Wada was largely occupied by a Hausa –Fulani population, is busily expanding and attempting to reflect the changes of the twentieth century, lay out a grid pattern in 1914, its was founded as a residential area for northern Nigerians who were native to Zaria. it has come to occupied by southerners as well as former residents of Zaria[42]. One other point of note in the existence of many churches there in order to confirm the nature or composition of people living there. This however does not mean that there are no Muslims or mosques within the settlement. Here oral information has it that not much relationship exists between Tudun Wada and Tukur-Tukur, but at the same time it is shown that certain number of people from Tudun Wada came to Tukur-Tukur to hire land for a token and farm some produces.

4.2 Hanwa
Hanwa was established by one Habe on Zaria Town called mai hanwa in the period of Sarkin Zazzau Jatau left Zaria and made a farm att the feet of the rock now called by his name. there preferred and was subsequently joinet by his kinsmen and friends. After his death Fulani herdmen from Katsina settled there. These farms were subsequently given by emir Sidi to his son wambai Nuhu the elder brother of the Emir of Ibrahim? In 1884 the Umbatwa of Nnigi under their chief Haruna invade Zaria when Emir Sambo had just set out on the yearly journey to pay homage in Sultan in Sokoto. He had reached the first stage of his journey Tukur Tukur and they heard that the Umbutawa had invaded Zaria territory. He returned to Zaria and put his wambai in charge of his forces. Wambai encountered the Umbutawa near Hanwa rock and there gave battle. The Wmbai who led the charge was killed at the foot of the rock. The Umbutawa were completely routed at the battle of Hanwa[43]
The production and marketing needs of small farmers in the small rural communal hawa, almost in the middle of Zaria town, in terms of size of holdings[44]

The Relationship between Tukur Tukur and village is very strong since they have common identity. This is because they have shared Culture and religion in according Danmadani of Tukur there has been annual celebrations which are commonly in most of Hausa or Fulani town in Hausa land and in its neighbor, so in the case of Tukur Tukur and Hanwa there is such kind eg kalankuwa well known celebration in Hausa land.
And another thing which tied the two communities is inter marriage this make the communities remained together and strong and farming.[45]
4.3 Tudun Jukun
Tudun Jukun was one of the neighboring settlements of Tukur-Tukur. This settlement could not be said to be completely under the administrative control of Tukur-Tukur within our period of study, but certain substantial evidence point to the fact that the prominence of Tukur-Tukur place it higher than many settlement. Surrounding it, among which was Tudun Jukun. Tudun Jukun, like the other settlements benefited from this development that come as a result of the establishment of the Ahmadu Bello university, especially in terms of the employment opportunity it offered to the people of Tudun Jukun.

Prior to the establishment of the Ahmedu Bello University, precisely by 1922 when work starting in the site that came Alhaji Isa Wusasa 94 years. To be occupied by the Agricultural research center Tudun Jukun has started coming into focus, especially due its contribution to the supply of labour; but it was in 1928 when the Tudun Jukun research station was established to study animal husbandry, nutrition and range management that Tudun Jukun attained a certain height because according to Oyedele the research station has contributed towards the steady growth of Tudun Jukun settlement.
Chapter Five
5.1 Conclusion
The work has attempted to analyse the processes that led to the evolution of Tukur-Tukur settlement. It has succeeded in showing that by c 1850- 1903 Tukur-Tukur has developed mainly by the efforts of it indigenous people whose activities in craftsmanship and skill in farming led to the emergence of economic activities and urbanization in Zaria generally and the area of study in particular. It has been shown that from its inception the area was populated by the Hausas and the Fulani2100

This study has succeeded in establishing, using substantives evidences, that Tukur-Tukur had an established political structure based on traditional system, and an organized land ownership and taxation even before the coming of the colonial form of rule.

With this it became known that Tukur-Tukur settlement has attained certain level of prosperity and development prior to the advent of colonialism. After the British conquest of Northern Nigeria and Nigeria in general at the beginning of 20th century, things began to take new dimensions. The integration of Nigeria into British economic system brought far reaching changes of economic, political and social importance on the lives of the conquered. This included new administrative changes and the introduction of new economic system effecting different pattern of spatial integration and a different system of transportation system like railways and roads. Other areas that were affected by the new changes included introduction of new forestry system, education, creation of new job opportunities various European companies; the provision of social amenities like water supply and electricity which served as incentives for rural –urban development .

During the British colonial administration, various categories of settlements are noticeable in different parts of Northern Nigeria. These are traditional walled cities pre-dating colonial era, for example katsina, Kano and Zaria. Others are European creations including their residential quarters and allied Government residential areas (GRAs). Close to these, are the Sabon Garis areas exclusively for those that came either from the southern part of Nigeria or from British West African colonies. The inhabitants here possessed a completely different culture from the northern Nigerians. The last, but of course not the least, is the settlement of native northern Nigerian peoples who were Muslims but who did not (mostly) originate from the traditional town. The inhabitants are isolated from the traditional town and other settlements

The concluding remarks view the repercussions of such a native European created settlement towards values, attitudes, customs and occupation as compared to purely traditional city like Zaria.










BIBLIOGRAPHY

Published Materials

Palmer H R. 1908
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Mortimore, M. J ( 1970)
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Sutton, J E G,
The Wall of Zaria and Kufena, 1977, ,” Zaria Archaelogy Paper (ZAP), Center for Nigerian Cultural Studies, Ahamdu Bello University, Zaria.

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Planned urban Landscapes of Northern Nigeria a case study of Zaria, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria

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“Nigerian Agriculture in Historical Perspective 1950-1960” in State, Oil and Agriculture in Nigeria, Institute of International Studies, University of California, Berkeley.


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Unpublished Thesis

Sulaiman U, (2006)
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Oral Source:

Sarkin Unguwar Bisa, Alhaji Umaru Yaro age 77, No 196 Unguwar Bisa Tukur-Tukur Interview on 21/11/2007

Malam Dan Baba Gure, 69 years and a fomer resident of Tukur-Tukur, now living at Unguwar Mai godo, Sabon Gari.

Dan Madami of Tukur-Tukur Alhaji Yusuf Mudi age 81 of No 180 Unguwar Kasa Tukur-Tukur , an Oral Interview on 23/11/2007 at his Residence Tukur-Tukur Zaria

Wali of Tukur Tukur Alhaji Zubairu Sabo Sulaiman age 45 Oral Interview on 12/102007 at his residence No 3 Unguwar Kasa Tukur-Tukur, Zaria

Archives Materials:
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IGBOZURIKE, U.M, (1983)
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[1] Source; Topographical map of Zaria second edition sheet No 102 published by Northern Nigerian survey 1965
[2] Urquhart. A W 1977 Planned Urban landscapes of Northern Nigeria; a Case Study of Zaria
[3] Abdullahi Smith,
[4] Mahuta I A, 1996 A Breif History of Makarfi Novermber 1996
[5] Palmaer H R (1908) The Kano chronicle
[6] Sulaiman U,2006 MA thesis in History A B U
[7] Sulaiman U,2006 History of Birnin Zaria M A Thesis submitted to the Department of History A B U ,Zaria
[8] Sutton J E G. 1976 , the walls of Zaria and Kufena; Zaria Archaeology paper 11
[9] Urquhatt A W 1977 Planned Urban Landscpapes of Northern Nigereia
[10] Musa A Y 1982 The People of Tudun Wada Zaria.
[11] Wali is an heir to the throne of one of the three divided areas of the Tukur-Tukur settlement.
[12] Wali of Tukur Tukur 2007 an Interview
[13]Oral source Danmadami of Tukur Tukur 2007
[14] Malam Dan Baba Gure, 69 years and a fomer resident of Tukur-Tukur, now living at Unguwar Mai godo, Sabon Gari. e
[15] Oral source; Damadami of Tukur Tukur interview 23/11/2007

[16] F D Luggard 1913 dual mandate
[17] Wali 2007 an interview
[18] RDS/1 Zarprof. Roads NAK letter to Dr R.M East
[19] ZAR Prof RDS/1 Roads NAK
[20] Unadopted Roads near Zaria January 1957 ww.0462/15
[21] Circular from the Secretary, Northern Provinces. 1945 NAK zaria prof 3354/s.5
[22] Features of the Northern Region of Nigeria: Northern Region of the Federation of Nigeria Kaduna January 1959
[23] Urquhart A V
[24] Adesina 1989 ”Historical Evaluation of the Western Nigeria Government Agricultural Policy 1955-1966”,

[25] Shenton R 1987 “Nigerian Agriculture in Historical Perspective 1950-1960” in State, Oil and Agriculture in Nigeria, Institute of International Studies, University of California, Berkeley.

[26] Afolabi B a 1997 ‘Agricultural Research Efforts in Nigeria: A Historical Evaluation of Periods before 1945”. ELA, Vol.1
[27] Iyegha 1988 Agricultural Crisis in Africa: The Nigerian Experience.

[28] Interview with Danmadami of Tukur Tukr
[29] N.A K SNP 7 950/1911, Annual Report for 1910
[30] N.A.K. SNP !0 107p/1914 – Zaria Provincial Report for 1913 p.58
[31] NAK 125 FCJ Provincial Report for 1931. P.34
[32] Danmadami of Tukur-Tukur an interviews 2006
[33] Wali of Tukur-Tukur an interview 2006
[34] Government in Zazzau MG Smith 1950
[35] NCEMA,1995
[36] Aboyade,1966; Adedeji, 1971.
[37] Ikepeze ,1991
[38] Usoro,1977
[39] Wali 2007 an Interviews
[40] Wali 2007, Interview
[41] Assessment report on Tudun Wada 1918 NAK SNP 10 431p/1918
[42] Urquhart A W . Morphology of Zaria ; Zaria and its Region 1970
[43] Madauchi Assessment Report \NAK SNP 17 17222
[44] IGBOZURIKE, u.m.1983 the social and cultural factors involded in Nigerian food production and marketing: the case of small Farmers of Hanwa village, Zaria . available at http//:trophort.com retrieved on 9/12/2007
[45] Interview with Danmadami of Tukur Tukur